On Feb. 4, 1920, Royal Air Force planes struck the fortified wells and stone forts of Taleh, decisively ending Mohammed Abdullah Hassan’s twenty-year Dervish resistance in British Somaliland. By deploying obsolete bombers alongside a small local levy, Britain accomplished what successive ground columns had repeatedly failed to achieve against a highly resilient jihadi movement. This historical victory offers a stark, enduring lesson for modern strategists.Today, Washington risks falling into the exact same trap of prolonged distraction. While the Trump administration concentrates almost exclusively on Iranian missile inventories and Russian maneuvers in Ukraine, the Islamic State is quietly rebuilding its infrastructure. The group still fields up to 3,000 fighters inside Syria and continues to treat Yemen as a protected media sanctuary. Far more dangerously, however, ISIS has shifted the bulk of its combat power and recruitment into Africa, where its affiliates now generate the vast majority of its globally claimed attacks. These residual Syrian cadres and Yemeni media nodes preserve the technical and propaganda capacity that African provinces stand ready to exploit as soon as local pressure declines. Recommended Stories This geographic shift connects directly to the group’s highest echelons of command. When ISIS declared Abu Hafs al-Hashimi al-Qurashi its fifth caliph on Aug. 3, 2023, international intelligence analysts quickly suspected that the shadowy name was merely a cover for Abdul Qadir Mumin. Born in Qandala, Puntland, Somalia, between 1950 and 1953, Mumin followed a “complex” international path: he lived in Sweden and Britain, obtained British citizenship, and preached in mosques in London and Leicester. He then burned his British passport upon returning to Somalia, defected from al-Shabaab in October 2015, and founded the Islamic State’s Somali province inside the rugged Golis and Cal Miskaad mountains (Mumin reportedly directs ISIS’s global coordination from those very cave systems). To protect his position, the group strictly refuses to confirm his true identity — a calculated silence that shields his “Qurashi” claim of prophetic descent, which its radical ideology demands as a non-negotiable prerequisite for a legitimate caliph. Concurrently, Africa’s ISIS wilayats (provinces) — including West Africa, the Sahel, Central Africa, and Mozambique — now represent the bulk of the Islamic State activity worldwide. In fact, attacks attributed to sub-Saharan affiliates nearly doubled in one recent annual cycle, even as Middle Eastern claims declined sharply. While Syria’s residual force retains the organizational memory, mid-level commanders, and technical knowledge required to regenerate, Yemeni media cells continue to amplify the caliph’s authority across continents. Furthermore, successive leadership deaths have not broken the network; instead, they have yielded a flatter structure whose African branches independently finance themselves through local extortion, artisanal gold mining, and external transfers. Thus, maintaining an exclusive focus on Tehran and Moscow simply leaves this African periphery free to rebuild its external operational capacity while the core leadership remains protected in remote terrain.TRUMP’S NEXT ABRAHAM ACCORD SHOULD BE BUILT ON GPUS — NOT ARAB CONSENSUSTo disrupt this ecosystem, Washington must execute three immediate, decisive actions. First, the U.S. military should deploy autonomous, glider-released subterranean seismic resonance probes to isolate the low-frequency vibration signatures of human movement and generators inside key cave complexes, fusing these returns with commercial satellite gravity-gradient data to generate strikeable 3D targeting models. Second, intelligence operators must seed AI-synthesized internal shura audio fragments through captured African media servers during peak recruitment windows in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin; these leaks will document the caliph’s total lack of a Qurashi lineage and expose his true Majerteen Ali Saleban ancestry, effectively shattering his theological legitimacy. Finally, the State Department must establish a quiet Clan-Debt Settlement Instrument with selected Puntland elders — structured as a deniable financial mechanism rather than an overt military pact — to publicly retire outstanding blood-money and resource claims against Mumin’s sub-clan in exchange for precise local guides and tactical access routes.Ultimately, the 1920 air action at Taleh proved that decision-makers can break a peripheral jihad the moment they finally treat it as a strategic priority rather than a sideshow. Applying that same relentless standard today to Abdulqadir Mumin — the man from Qandala — will prevent Africa’s ungoverned spaces from becoming the incubator for a reconstituted global caliphate.Jose Lev Alvarez is an American–Israeli scholar specializing in international security policy. A multilingual veteran of the IDF special forces and the U.S. Army, he holds three master’s degrees and is completing a Ph.D. in Intelligence and Global Security in the Washington, D.C., area.
Trump must hunt ISIS’s Somali ghost caliph before Africa’s jihad consolidates
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